Monday, December 11, 2023

Leisure, Capital, and AI

 

Hot Tub Thinking

 

            Here are a few disjointed thoughts.

December 2023.  The Israel/Hamas war has been raging for more than two months.  The Russia/Ukraine war is now almost twenty months old and shows no movement toward peace.  Meanwhile, I take time out to sit in my hot tub.

            Here I am, a retired teacher, living in middle-class American luxury: a 2500 square foot house (plus detached garage) on a half-acre in Dundee, Oregon.  The house is warm and dry.  We have internet, television, gas heat, solar panels, air-conditioning in summer, and lots of devices to help us prepare food, wash clothes, and amuse ourselves.  Sarah has a car, I have a pickup, and our granddaughter drives another car (insured by me). 

            Why am I so favored?

            Capital and leisure, that’s why.  I’ve written about this before.  Human beings sometimes produce more basic goods—food, clothing, shelter, security—than they need.  Civilizations arise when people use this “excess” wealth to free some of us from the production of basic good.  When excess wealth is “saved,” it allows the favored few to invent and produce other goods, including art (of many sorts), religion, philosophy, and science.  Saved wealth can become “capital,” when it is used to increase the productivity of workers.  Over many centuries, capital has so greatly increased human productivity that Earth now supports a population over eight billion, of which perhaps only one billion live in “absolute poverty,” one bad harvest or one bad fishing season from starvation.  Absolute poverty was the condition of most human beings over most history and pre-history.  But in many countries in the 21st century, a large proportion of the world’s population live in some degree of prosperity.  Billions of people in China, Japan, Europe, and North America reasonably expect to live in clean houses or apartments and enjoy many of the machines—cars, washers, televisions, computers, etc.—that I enjoy.

            I can own a hot tub because of capital and leisure.  But I could not enjoy it if I did not also have security.  I hear sirens as I sit in the hot water.  Something is wrong somewhere: a crime scene, an emergency, injuries, perhaps worse.  Someone, or some number of people are suffering.  Who knows?  Perhaps it’s more than just one household; maybe a score of people are hurting tonight in our town.

            A score, perhaps.  In a town of a couple thousand.  As I sit in my hot tub, I realize I take local security for granted.  In Gaza and Ukraine, the situation is vastly different.  We see how desperate we are when security disappears.  War robs people of security.  Houses are bombed, children are killed, food supplies are stolen, medical systems are broken, and on and on.

            We need peace, and we pray for political leaders—not just the ones of which we approve, but all of them.  We pray they change their minds.  We pray for political change when leaders refuse to change.  (In the 1980s, I prayed for peaceful change in the Soviet Union.  It’s okay to pray for miracles.)

            Most people think the key to security is power, coercive and if necessary violent power.  Over the centuries, capital has increased our power, giving us deadlier weapons.  In recent centuries, and especially in this new 21st century, the application of capital to weaponization has increased tremendously.  We invent new and more powerful weapons.  And now we are turning to artificial intelligence to coordinate our weapons, to give us security.

            In 2023 ChatGPT was released.  Lots of people are talking about artificial intelligence.  Governments are just beginning to talk about laws to govern AI. 

            Science fiction stories warn us that AI could turn on us.  Defense systems could malfunction.  In the older stories, computers gain control of missiles and rain thermonuclear destruction on us.  In newer stories, cyber-attacks take control of information systems; rather than killing us, the machines control what we think.

            AI is made possible by capital, just like my hot tub and other conveniences.  On one hand, AI promises to improve security (while also increasing the supply of basic goods).  On the other hand, AI takes control in order to deliver its promises.

            I don’t check my word processing program, to see how it transforms my keystrokes into essays.  I just use it.  The engineer at the hydropower plant can’t inspect his much-more-complex program; he just uses it.  Smart people used lots of leisure to build the programs, and I assume they built in checks so people could monitor them.  I hope so!  But when we use the programs, we just use them.  Can we design AI to win our security without giving up control?  Do we just have to trust the program?

           

Friday, November 3, 2023

Israel and Hamas, Again

 

Terrorism and Just War Theory

 

            As the whole world knows, Hamas terrorists attacked Israel on October 7, 2023.  The attackers achieved tactical surprise, killing approximately 1400 Israelis, mostly civilians, including children, babies, and old people.  Hamas also captured more than 200 hostages and made them prisoners, presumably in underground Gaza locations.

            Hamas is officially committed to the eradication of Israel.  The so-called “rules of war” are meaningless to Hamas, except as those rules might be manipulated to gain tactical advantage.  For example, Hamas leaders know that the Geneva Conventions forbid the direct targeting of civilian populations.  They know that the government of Israel, as a member of the United Nations, is committed to following the rules of war.  Therefore, Hamas has located many of its military installations near or under hospitals or mosques; they hope Israel will hesitate to attack such places because those attacks will cause civilian casualties.

            To be clear: Hamas directly attacked non-combatants and, according to video evidence, tortured, raped, and murdered people who could not resist.  Hamas is a terrorist organization, officially dedicated to genocide.

            How should Israel respond?  Specifically, what does just war theory have to say?

            Just war theory divides the question of justice in war into two parts.  First, jus ad bellum lays down rules for deciding to go to war: just cause, right intent, proper authority, and reasonable expectation of success.  Second, jus in bello gives rules for just warfighting: no torture or killing of captives, distinguishing combatants from non-combatants, and proportionality (harms to non-combatants must not be disproportionate to military gains).

            Israel’s prime minister has claimed that Hamas’ terrorist attack gives Israel a just cause; therefore, Israel’s war with Hamas is just.  Such reasoning is too simplistic.  It seems to me Israel certainly has a just cause, its government is a proper authority, and Israel’s great military capacity gives it reasonable expectation of victory.  If Israel also has a right intent, Israel’s war against Hamas would comply with the rules governing the decision to go to war (jus ad bellum).

            What is Israel’s goal in the war against Hamas?  The prime minister made this clear: the elimination of Hamas as a terrorist and governing organization.

            I should note here that Hamas has governed Gaza—more than two million people—since 2006.  Since Hamas came to power in Gaza, they have not allowed elections.  Like many governments in history and today, the legitimacy of Hamas as a government is open to question.  Nevertheless, Hamas is both a government and a terrorist organization, a fact which complicates Israel’s war aims.

            Eliminating a terrorist organization seems to be a right intent.  Eliminating the government of a neighboring state is much more questionable.  Significantly, Israel’s prime minister has said little about what government should replace Hamas in Gaza.  The prime minister has said that Israel does not intend to govern Gaza directly.  But for Israel to succeed in its stated aim—eliminating Hamas as a governing organization—Israel will have to conquer Gaza.  Its military forces will have to occupy Gaza (or large parts of it) for some period of time, however brief.  As regards right intent, Israel’s leaders need to face into the question of government for Gaza.  It cannot be a right intent to invade a neighboring country only to leave it in the kind of chaos and lawlessness we see in Haiti.

            What about jus in bello?  I have read no reports of Israel torturing or killing captives, so I will assume Israel’s war will pass that test.  Discrimination?  Israel’s government says its war is aimed at Hamas, not the people of Gaza, so it clearly recognizes the problem.  The civilians of Gaza do not deserve to be killed or displaced merely because they have the misfortune of being governed by a terrorist organization.

            The modern proportionality rule descends from a more straight-forward medieval rule in just war theory: no attacks on non-combatants.  After all, the fundamental idea of just war theory is to oppose and stop evildoers, not commit more unjust acts; attacks directed at non-combatants are inherently unjust.  But the practice of war, even in medieval times, forced just war theorists to modify the rule.  Killing non-combatants—that is, planning and carrying out military attacks that will kill innocent people—may be justifiable if such killing is necessary to accomplish a legitimate miliary objective.  We’re not talking about “accidental” deaths here; according to the proportionality rule, deliberate attacks that kill innocents are “just” if those attacks are aimed at legitimate targets.  Proportionality only says that such non-combatant deaths must not be “disproportionate” to military gains.

            Israel’s war against Hamas is now in its 28th day.  The prime minister has repeatedly warned his people (and the world) that the war will be long and hard.  Instead of an immediate and massive counterattack, Israeli missiles and bombs hit targets in Gaza for three weeks.  In recent days Israeli ground forces have begun incursions into Gaza.

            Gazan officials report that more than 9000 people have died in Gaza.  Such numbers cannot be verified.  Hamas controls information from Gaza, and it is in their interest to paint Israel’s war as evil.  Nevertheless, it is safe to assume that civilian deaths in Gaza number in the thousands, a factor of four or five times the death toll of Hamas’ attack on October 7.

            How many Hamas fighters are in Gaza?  No one knows.  How many must Israel kill in order to achieve its goal: the elimination of Hamas as an organization?  No one knows, though we may assume that Israel’s military officials have established benchmarks they will use to evaluate their war.  These benchmarks probably include Hamas’s ability to fire missiles at Israel, estimates of how many fighters Hamas has, names of important Hamas leaders, and other things.  In each case, Israel will aim to reduce Hamas’s capabilities and manpower to a negligible level.

            According to the prime minister, Israel’s war is in its early stages.  By all accounts, Hamas has hidden its forces underground in Gazan cities.  To eliminate Hamas as a terrorist and governing organization, Israel must be prepared to fight in cities: building to building, tunnel by tunnel, block by block.

            Israel has tried to reduce civilian casualties by urging Gazans to flee to the south.  Tens of thousands have done so, but many more remain in northern Gaza.  To be sure, southern Gaza is not safe; Israeli airstrikes hit targets there.  Further, we may assume that if the war is long, and if most Gazans move south, Hamas will move some of their forces south to benefit from human shields.  In that case, Israel will face the “military necessity” of bombing areas of Gaza to which Israel urged civilians to flee.

            The government of Israel needs to face hard realities.  To achieve its stated goals, Israel will have to kill many more non-combatants than have already died.  I am no expert, but it’s possible that 100,000 or more civilians would die before Israel can eliminate Hamas as a functioning organization.  How can such slaughter of innocents pass the proportionality test?

            Conceptually, the proportionality test is deeply flawed.  The prime minister of Israel may well say (after the fact) that the elimination of Hamas as a terrorist and governing organization was so important that the death of any number of civilians was justified.  At the same time, Israel will dispute casualty figures offered by various antisemitic voices claim; the actual death toll, Israel will say, is less than whatever number its enemies announce.  Such debates only matter if there is some hard content to “proportionality.”  How many innocents must die to render Israel’s war “disproportionate”?  Suppose, as imaginative test, half the population of Gaza (1.1 million people) died before Hamas was eliminated; would that be “disproportionate”?

            I predict that Israel’s leaders will claim, after the fact, that their war against Hamas obeyed the rule of proportionality.  They will make this claim no matter how many innocent Gazans die.  At the same time, critics of Israel will claim Israel’s war violated the proportionality test—again, no matter how many civilians die.

            I urge this conclusion: the “proportionality” rule is conceptually flawed.  It places no real limit on the violence of war.

            My own view is that just war theory is a 1600-year-old mistake.  Followers of Jesus should reject it.  Of course, that will mean nothing to the leaders of Israel, who make no pretense of following Jesus.  Sadly, the vast majority of Christians today (and in the past) give only lip-service to their Lord, who commanded us to love our neighbors, including our enemies.

            Some philosophers, pointing to weaknesses like the conceptual impotence of the proportionality rule, openly reject just war theory.  Some “realists” say that states fight for their own purposes and define success on their own terms.  Moral norms do not apply.  The so-called “laws of war” are really just the (self)justifications of nations that win, after the fact.  Other “realists” might agree with all that, but then plead that humanity needs some way to apply morality to war, lest we kill everyone. 

           

Monday, October 9, 2023

Hamas v. Israel

 

How Long, O Lord?

 

            In forty days of auto touring, Sarah and I saw parts of fifteen states: Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, South Dakota, Iowa, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Kentucky, Missouri, Kansas, Colorado, and Utah.  I anticipated writing some reflection about sights or people observed along the way, but the day we arrived home we heard the news: Hamas struck Israel, and Israel has declared war.

            Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank have suffered injustice meted out by Israel for generations—since 1967 at least.

            Jews have suffered injustice meted out by so-called Christians for centuries.  Israel as a state exists largely because of a 150+ year-long mission (Zionism) to create a safe place for Jews.

            Israelis and Palestinians must learn to live together in peace.  Some think this calls for a two-state solution, Israel and Palestine with particular bits of ground and separate governments.  Some think there should be one state with genuine freedom of religion.  Almost everyone says they believe in democratic governance, but practice has fallen low.  Israel has real elections, but their coalition government gives outsize influence to extremist parties.  The government in the West Bank is worse, with much corruption.  The rulers of Gaza, Hamas, are worse yet.

            The United States officially lists Hamas as a terrorist organization.  The attack on Israel gives overwhelming evidence this judgment is true.  Hamas achieved military surprise, hitting Israel with so many rockets and missiles that the famous Israeli air defense system, the “Iron Dome,” failed to stop some of them.  Hamas sent raiders into various parts of Israel, where they pulled civilians out of their homes to kill them.  Other non-combatants were kidnapped and taken as hostages to hideouts in Gaza.  Today Hamas leaders said they would execute hostages if Israel attacks civilian areas in Gaza.  Such actions are quintessential terrorism: creating and using fear to manipulate an enemy.

            Despite Hamas’ early “successes,” Israel remains militarily far stronger.  Israel has declared siege against Gaza: no food, no water, no electricity.  Israel has already pummeled suspected Hamas locations in Gaza with airstrikes, and they are preparing troops to invade.  Israel’s Prime Minister has said the war may be protracted but Hamas will be destroyed.  Hamas is backed by Iran, but Iran is not militarily able to intervene.  If Israel’s government chooses to do so, they can probably eliminate Hamas in Gaza—if they are willing to kill enough people.  How many?  100,000?  Most of the dead will be civilians.  If such horrible slaughter deters Netanyahu’s government from the stated goal of destroying Hamas, there will be hardliners in Israel (and supporters in the U.S.) who will criticize him for weakness.

            I have read analysts in the papers who suggest Hamas’ real goal is to prevent long-term peacemaking between Israel and Saudi Arabia.  Leaders of Hamas may count their war against Israel a success even if Israel kills all the leaders of the group.

            Both sides have suffered great injustice.  Both sides claim their cause is just.  Neither, of course, is interested in “just war theory” as developed mostly by Christian theologians.  But the war aims and justifications given for evil policies are familiar to anyone who studies the history of “just wars.”

            Many leaders and public voices on both sides will claim God’s approval for their actions.  The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Ishmael supposedly approves of killing the children of the enemy.

            Jesus taught us to pray for God’s kingdom to come.  How long, O Lord?

Thursday, August 3, 2023

Election Odds

 

Presidential Politics, Fifteen Months Out

 

I’ve been thinking about the 2024 race for president.  This probably indicates I spend too much time reading the news, much of which is depressing. 

*Joe Biden is 80.  He’ll turn 81 in November.  As the sitting president, he’s the presumptive Democratic nominee.

*Donald Trump is 77, with a birthday in June.  Polls show the former president far ahead of his Republican rivals.  Fifteen months ahead of the election, the most likely scenario points to a choice between Biden and Trump.

*Biden’s health is a worry.  The greatest threat to his renomination lies in the possibility he suffers a stroke or some other debilitating condition in the next twelve months.  The odds are even higher that he could die or suffer debilitation while in office, should he win a second term.  Trump’s health concerns are smaller, but not nearly zero.

*Trump has been indicted in three different jurisdictions: in New York for making and lying about hush money payments to a porn star; in Florida for keeping classified documents (including highly classified military and diplomatic documents) and then hiding them when the authorities asked for them; and in Washington, D.C. for trying to subvert an election he had lost.  The documents case is strongest, not relying on controversial legal theories (the New York indictment) or proving a conspiracy to subvert the election if Trump believed he had won.  (Trump will argue that he believed he had won and his efforts to overturn the election were heroic attempts to overcome fraud.)

*Trump’s supporters gleefully (and hypocritically) point to Hunter Biden’s legal woes.  The president’s son has committed various crimes; we can say this definitively because Hunter Biden agreed to plead guilty to lesser crimes to avoid felony trial, a plea deal that collapsed in court.  Hunter Biden will almost certainly be convicted in court, unless a new plea bargain can be reached.  All the while, Trump’s supporters allege that prosecutors are taking a soft line with the younger Biden because of his father’s influence.  President Biden repeatedly has said that he has not influenced the Department of Justice treatment of Hunter Biden.  For all I know, this is true, but the appearance of evil is a damaging thing in politics.

*If elected, Trump will be tempted to pardon himself.  No matter how fraught the legal controversy this would create, Trump is enough of an egotist to do it.  Creating the greatest Constitutional crisis since the Civil War would not deter him.  He would bask in the adulation of his fans and relish the vitriol of Constitutional scholars.

*Biden seems committed to retaining Kamala Harris as his vice president.  He needn’t; other presidents have switched VPs mid-stream.  Roosevelt chose Harry Truman for VP in 1944.  Kamala Harris has done little while VP to suggest she could rise to the occasion if Biden suffers a major stroke during the election campaign or dies in his second term.  Of course, the same could be said of most vice presidents.

*Harris seems to be a doctrinaire “progressive” Democrat.  It’s possible that she would, as president, pursue a moderate or bi-partisan approach to governing.  I wouldn’t count on it, but it might be the best hope we’ve got.

*Mike Pence is running against Trump, so there is no chance Trump will choose him again as running mate.  Recently, Trump has been quoted as saying Pence was “too honest” during the crucial weeks leading up to January 6, 2021.  This time Trump will choose his VP more carefully, demanding a level of loyalty approaching toadyism.  The choice may appall Democrats and Independents, but it will be celebrated by Trump’s base.

*Recent widely publicized polls show Biden and Trump both at 43% of likely voters.  I don’t think that will hold.  There is still a small percentage of genuinely undecided voters, maybe 10% of likely voters.  For many such voters, Trump’s conviction on some of the charges against him—and the evidence underlying that conviction—will decide the issue.

 

My summary: (1) There is a significant chance (35-40%) that Trump will be elected in 2024.  (That is odd of Trump winning, not his percentage of the vote.  Trump will win more 40% of the popular vote.  He could win election with 48-49% of the vote, because of the way Democrats concentrate their voters geographically.) Economic developments and world affairs could turn enough voters against Biden.  If Biden suffers stroke or other disability in the weeks before the election, that also could elect Trump.  (2) There is a greater chance (60-65%) that Biden will be elected in 2024.  Trump is not going to win over the undecideds; he needs Biden to lose them through recession or disability.  (3) There is a significant chance (25-30%) that Biden, if elected, will not serve a complete second term, which means the odds of Kamala Harris serving as president before election day 2028 are about 15% (60% x 25%).  The odds of Trump’s VP becoming president before the 2028 election are 5% or less.  Physically, Trump is healthier than Biden.

 

Monday, July 3, 2023

Concerning Conceptual Innovation

 

Just Wars and Proud Sexualities

 

            According to most church historians, Christians mostly rejected military service in the first three centuries after Christ.  Quakers and Anabaptists often say this shows the early Christians were pacifist, a somewhat anachronistic claim, since “pacifism” emerged into our theological lexicon in the nineteenth century.  Quakers of the eighteenth century and Anabaptists of the seventeenth century rejected warfighting because it violated the teaching of Jesus, but their position only became known as “pacifism,” the principled rejection of all war, later.

            Were the early Christians pacifists?  Quakers and Anabaptists like to say yes.  In Roman times, soldiers were expected to fight and kill.  Jesus commanded his followers to love their enemies.  Christians rejected military service.  Therefore, the modern pacifist Christians say, the early Christians were pacifists.  But it’s not that clear.  In Roman times, soldiers were expected to pay homage to the emperor by burning incense to his “genius.”  Christians, as strictly monotheistic as the Jews, could not participate in worship of the emperor.  Christians had multiple reasons to reject military service.

            In the fourth century, things changed.  Constantine, a leading Roman general, converted to Christianity.  Constantine claimed to have seen a vision or dream in which he was instructed to conquer under the sign of the cross.  Having defeated his enemies, Constantine became emperor.  Christians, including the great theologian Augustine, faced a new situation.  What should we do if the emperor is one of us?  Constantine abolished emperor worship; paganism was no longer a requirement for military service.  Could Christians fight and kill?

            Augustine introduced a crucial conceptual innovation: the just war.  He taught that the command to love enemies must be integrated with God’s commands to pursue justice.  Augustine recognized that many wars are motivated by greed, lust, desires to dominate, pride, and revenge.  Christians must not fight for such reasons.  But sometimes, Augustine taught, Christians should fight—precisely when fighting leads to justice.

            In a generation, just war theory came to dominate Christian moral thinking about war.  Augustine’s conceptual innovation was extended and refined by other theologians over the next thousand years.  Aquinas and other theologians published rules to govern Christian participation in war in two main categories: first, rules to determine whether a particular war might be just (jus ad bellum); second, rules to govern behavior during a war (jus in bello).

            To illustrate: suppose a king has been insulted by the ambassador from a neighboring country.  This is a serious offense, but is it a just cause for war?  Probably not, because a Christian ruler is called by Christ to be gracious and forgiving.  But suppose the king believes, on good evidence, that the neighboring king has not only insulted him but also unjustly executed some of his subjects who were doing business in the neighboring country.  In this case, the king knows the neighboring king has committed grave injustice and using military might to correct such injustice would be right.  The citizens of the king’s country are not in possession of all the facts, and they must rely on the king’s judgment.  So, the Christian subjects of the king may fight and kill in the king’s army to help restore justice.

            Continue the illustration: suppose the offending king knows that he cannot defeat the Christian king in the open field.  His army confines itself to a fortress city.  The Christian king, invading the unjust king’s country, faces a hard tactical decision.  Should he lay siege to the unjust king’s city?  As everyone knows, a siege may take months or years to be successful.  Very often in a siege, the first victims are the non-combatants: elderly people, children, and women.  Can a Christian ruler decide to use this tactic, knowing that it will kill the innocent?  Medieval Christian theologians wrestled with this question.  Their answer?  Yes.  The Christian ruler may (indeed, must) use sieges if that is the only way to punish the unjust ruler.

            To 21st century readers, I must say: I’m not making this up.

            Many Christians today would be surprised by my example of the insulting and unjust foreign king.  Surely, they think, Christians should not consider war over insults or even a few unjust deaths.  This is because contemporary Christians who say they believe in just war theory actually think as utilitarians.  Their guiding frame is: will this war produce more or less human flourishing, all things considered?  Utilitarians do not consult rules for warfare, except as loose guidelines.   

Historically speaking, Christian moral teachers have approved of wars that aimed to punish evil foreign rulers.  German theologians approved of the German war effort in WW1, while British theologians approved of the Allied war against Germany.  American preachers defended the justice of both sides in the Civil War.  It seems that Christians have found room in the just war theory to applaud an enormous variety of wars; apparently, almost every war is “just.”

When it comes to jus in bello, Christian moral theologians approved of sieges.  Later, they approved of cannons.  English and American theologians disapproved of “unrestricted submarine warfare” when it was practiced by the Germans in WW1, but they changed their judgment when it was practiced by the Americans in WW2.  Christian moral theologians approved of massive aerial bombing of cities in WW2, bombings that predictably killed far more non-combatants than soldiers.  It’s not hard to find Christian moral theologians who approved of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945.  I have claimed before and I assert again that the real just war rule governing behavior in war is this: whatever must be done to win is permitted.

What I have said here is not enough to justify the conclusion I would draw, namely, that the just war theory is a failure.  I think just war theory is a failure, in that it has failed spectacularly, again and again, to keep Christians from fighting unjust wars and it has failed to prevent Christians from using manifestly unjust means in wars.  But my tiny dip into Christian history is not nearly enough.  One would have to collect a thousand pages of documentation to demonstrate the failure of just war theory in practice. 

I also think just war theory is a theological failure.  That is, it does not give an adequate interpretation of Jesus’ teaching.  What a brassy thing for me to say!  Remember, Augustine and Aquinas invented and refined the just war theory.  Who am I, a retired philosophy teacher, to disagree with such intellectual and spiritual giants?  How did they err?

Jesus commanded his followers to love their enemies.  This is a difficult command, so difficult that we may all confess that we have failed to obey it.  We may be tempted, each one of us individually, to look for some way to way to avoid the implications of Jesus’ command, such as “Do good to those who spitefully use you.”  Furthermore, scripture does praise justice, commanding believers to pursue justice energetically.  “Let justice roll down like waters,” said Amos.  So, in addition to a self-motivated desire to avoid the implication of Jesus command, we may share serious disinterested concerns for public justice.  Our desire to find some way around Jesus’ word intensifies.  The world presents new political situations.  We would very much like to approve of good men (Constantine) when they have political power.

Then we hear a word, a new word, a conceptual innovation, the “just war.”  Christians, we are told, can love their enemies and at the same time fight against them.  In fact, Christians can love their enemies and kill them, but only if the right authority says this is a just war.  According to this new way of thinking, we don’t have to judge the justice of the war; that is the business of the ruler.

And … away we go.

In the last hundred years Christians have come upon a different conceptual innovation.  The question concerns not violence but sexuality and sexual behavior.  The outlines of approved sexual behavior in Christian moral teaching were pretty clear for nineteen centuries.  First, Christian men were commanded to be sexually faithful to their wives (and Christian women faithful to husbands), in contrast to typical Greco-Roman expectation.  Children were not to be aborted or exposed, not even if they were girls.  (Unsurprisingly, Christianity attracted women converts.)  Chastity was a virtue for all unmarried Christians.  Pre-marital sex, adultery, homosexual sex, and divorce (serial monogamy) were all out of bounds.

Christians praised and practiced a variety of sexual ideals within these general guidelines.  Some theologians taught that chastity was morally superior to the sexual faithfulness of married persons; a “religious” calling was better than family life.  Lutherans and other Protestants rejected that idea; marital faithfulness, they said, is just as holy as the monastery.  Some Christians celebrated marital “companionship” (surprisingly to some, this included the Puritans), while some theologians taught that even within marriage every act of intercourse should always aim at procreation.  Remarriage after the death of one’s spouse was discouraged by some but permitted by all.  Divorce was always discouraged, with varying degrees of censure for divorced persons.  In recent decades, more and more Christian moral teachers, even in churches that officially require a celibate life for nuns and priests, endorse the frank enjoyment of sex within marriage.

In the last hundred years, especially since WW2, this mass of moral teaching has been confronted by a conceptual innovation, the notion of “sexual identity” or “sexual nature.”  An unstated assumption of Christian moral theology throughout Christian history is that all people share human nature, and that this nature is expressed as male and female.  Human beings were created to be like God, imago Dei in the Latin rendering of Genesis 1:27: “… in the image of God he made them, male and female he made them.” 

People have a very high status if they are made in the image of God.  But Christians are quick to add another doctrine, i.e., that we are sinners.  Human beings express their sinfulness in violence and greed, pride and rebellion, self-harm and disdain for others, etc.  A major category of sin concerns sex: lust, infidelity, rape, seduction, pre-marital sex, etc.

The concept of sexual nature calls all this into question.  First, some men are not sexually attracted to women.  No matter how strenuously a culture condemns homosexual behavior, some men desire sex with other men.  20th century psychological research affirmed again and again that same-sex attraction was a deep, unchosen facet of these men’s sexuality.  Second, every school of 20th century psychological therapy proved unsuccessful in “treating” such men (that is, giving them heterosexual desires).  Similar evidence was uncovered concerning women attracted to women.  Of course, some therapists reported some successes, but no treatment method showed consistent success.

In steps conceptual innovation: human beings exhibit more than two sexual natures.  Some men are gay, some women are lesbian, other people are bi-sexual (having sexual attraction to men and women), and others are heterosexual.  That was the status of the discussion fifty years ago.  Since then, the concept has grown to include transsexuals (persons with male biology who identify as female and persons with female biology who identify as male), non-binary persons, and polyamorist persons.

The rapid addition of categories of sexual nature indicates conceptual innovation run amuck.  I think it’s easy to see difficult challenges ahead for Christian moral theology.

Christian moral theology affirms the dignity and worth of every individual, much as scripture commands us to pursue justice.  What should Christians say to homosexuals, two men who love each other and want to marry?  True, the Bible (in both testaments) explicitly condemns sexual acts between two men.  But the writers of the Bible didn’t know about sexual natures.  Just as Martin Luther was wrong to use the Bible to “refute” Copernicus, it would be wrong to use scriptural moral rules to condemn gay marriage.  (After all, the Bible does say the “earth does not move.”  You can look it up.)

Therefore, we have a scriptural principle that we must affirm the worth and dignity of each person, and we have a conceptual innovation that lets us avoid the obvious implication of biblical teaching. i.e., that sex is only for men and women who are married to each other.  In the last fifty years, many Christian moral teachers have concluded that we should affirm gay marriage for homosexuals and lesbians.

When I say, “many Christian moral teachers,” I include some of the best Christian philosophers I have known, for example, Marilyn Adams.  Who am I, a retired philosophy teacher, to disagree with intellectual and spiritual giants?  Where is her error?

Christians who affirm gay marriage need to explore the implications of this conceptual innovation. If we affirm each person’s dignity, that means we affirm this person’s dignity.  If it we must affirm gay marriage for those two men, shouldn’t we affirm gay marriage for these three men?  If we affirm lesbian marriage for those two women, shouldn’t we affirm two marriages for this bi-sexual woman?  The polyamorists say that it is essential to their sexual identify to marry multiple partners. 

The problem is that “sexual nature” has very little content.  It is subject to confusion and misuse, just as the notion of justice in war.  The basic moral rule for those who believe in sexual natures would be something like this.  “Never act contrary to your sexual nature.”  But the contemporary explosion of sexual identities shows how little content that rule contains. 

Should older men have sex with 12 or 13 year-old boys?  Most contemporary voices, and all Christian voices, would say no.  Why not?  The boys aren’t old enough?  Such persons should read Plato’s Symposium.  Our society currently says men should not love boys sexually, but NAMBLA (the North American Man-Boy Love Association) disagrees.  Most pro-LGBT groups condemn man/boy love on the grounds that adolescent boys are not mature enough for sex, and they have tried to distance themselves from NAMBLA.  But the same groups say transgender youth of the same age are mature enough for sex-reassignment therapy and surgery, with or without parental consent.

 

           

Saturday, June 3, 2023

Dualism and Location

 

Where are You?

 

            The question, “Where are you?” might be used in a variety of contexts.  Depending on the context, answers might be very different.  There are different kinds of “location.”

            For example, recently one of my friends said, “I’m in hell.”  This friend believes in orthodox Christian doctrine, so he doesn’t literally think he is in hell.  Things have gone so wrong in his life—financially, career wise, church relationships, intimate family dysfunction—that he feels trapped, hopeless, and angry.  He suffers every day, and there is no way to escape.  We can call this a metaphorical location.  It’s easy to imagine more examples.  “I’m on page twelve.”  “I’m in the dumps.”  “I once was lost, but now I’m found.”

            In contrast to metaphorical location, we often expect and respond with physical location.  “I’m in the bonus room.”  “I just left Safeway; be home soon.”

            It’s obvious, but I’ll draw attention to this fact anyway.  Physical location is the primary kind of location.  Metaphorical location may something important and/or insightful about a person’s spiritual or psychological situation, but it does so without claiming literal truth.  “He’s green with envy” may say something important about a person without implying that he is green.  By contrast, “I just left Safeway” cannot be true unless the speaker was physically located near Safeway in the recent past.

            So far I’ve said nothing controversial.  But some notions in philosophical anthropology suggest other kinds of “location.”  For example, some versions of body-soul dualism allow for the answer, “I’m here now, but a few hours ago I was in Delhi.”  On body-soul dualism, the real person is the soul, not the body.  And some versions of body-soul dualism endorse “soul travel.”  On this view, the person’s body may have been here at home for the entirety of the last 24 hours, but the real person (the soul) was in Delhi (thousands of miles away from here) for some portion of those 24 hours.  Thus, if such dualistic theories are true, the correct answer to “Where are you?” must be a report on the location of the person’s soul.  I suppose one might even say, on this view, “I’m not here.  Only my body is here.  I’m on Venus.”

            I don’t believe in soul travel.  And I think body-soul dualism is bad philosophy in general.  Remember, one of the greatest philosophers ever, Plato, made body-soul dualism a key feature of his theory.  Therefore, rejecting body-soul dualism very definitely is controversial.  Many Platonists, including many Christians, disbelieve in soul travel, but they need to give some explanation why.  If the real person is the soul (without the body), why can’t souls travel?  

On the other hand, some Platonist Christians are quite open to soul travel.  When Paul says to the Corinthians that he “was caught up to the third heaven” he was talking, they say, about soul travel.  I disagree.  I think Paul was describing a vision.  But Platonist Christians will not be persuaded easily, and I’m not going to make my case here.

            In previous essays, I have described “therapeutic dualism.”  Here the contrast is not between the soul and the body (as in Platonic dualism) nor between the mind and the body (as in Cartesian dualism), but between the heart and the body.  Therapeutic dualism promises that if you follow your heart, which is the real you, you will live a better, more happy life.  Thus, if in your heart you discover that you are lesbian, you will be happier if you practice woman-woman sex.  If a teenager’s heart is female, he should be encouraged to identify as female and if necessary make use of surgery and hormone therapy to bring her body into conformity with her true self.  Therapeutic dualism has gained great influence in our culture, to the point that many people argue that minor children must have access to such surgeries and hormone therapies without consent of their legal guardians (their parents).

            On therapeutic dualism, a person may truthfully say, “My body is male, but I am female.”  Or: “My body is female, but I am nonbinary.”  The true person is the heart.  I suspect—though this is not clearly said by many—that the heart can change.  If that’s right, then a person could say, “I used to be female, but now I am male.  The fact that my body has sex organs of one kind or another is irrelevant.”

            For some Platonists, soul travel is an attractive feature of their doctrine.  The soul/body division opens spiritual location.  The body might be unjustly imprisoned, but the soul is free.

            Therapeutic dualists—many of them at least—would not want similar implications for their doctrine.  If a young girl’s heart really is male, transgender teaching says she should be able to remake her body to conform to the heart.  It’s not enough to be free in one’s heart; the body needs to be remade.

            It seems, then, that therapeutic dualists would answer “Where are you?” by saying, “I’m right here, trapped in this body.”

            Aristotelian dualists say that the soul is the form of the body.  Against the Platonists, we can say the soul is right here, in this body.  Against the Cartesians, Aristotelians can admit the body and mind interact intimately.  But the soul is not trapped; it is the very form of the body.